PM Modi’s SCO visit is loaded with expectations on BRICS Summit and UNSC election
PM’s visit will focus on strengthening ties with Iran, Tajikistan, and other Central Asian countries; the agenda will include engagements aimed at the upcoming BRICS Summit in September, the two-year UN Security Council term of 2028-2029, and planning for the long-pending India-Central Asia Summit, which has not met since 2022
360° Perspective Analysis
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Context
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic for the encompasses a broader diplomatic agenda beyond Central Asian outreach. The visit is crucial for India's engagement with multilateral platforms like the upcoming , its bid for a 2028-2029 term, and revitalizing the stalled . A key challenge for the PM is addressing regional perceptions of declining Indian interest and overcoming geopolitical hurdles that have hampered connectivity initiatives like the 'Connect Central Asia' policy, despite modest trade growth.
UPSC Perspectives
International Relations
This visit highlights India's complex multi-alignment strategy in a multipolar world. Engaging with the , an organization with significant Chinese and Russian influence, allows India to secure its continental interests, particularly concerning counter-terrorism and regional stability. Concurrently, the focus on the (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) underscores India's commitment to the Global South and reforming global governance structures. Furthermore, the strategic intent behind securing support for a non-permanent seat (2028-2029 term) aligns with India's long-standing demand for comprehensive UN reforms to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The interplay between these platforms—SCO for Eurasian security, BRICS for economic multipolarity, and the UNSC for global influence—demonstrates India's intricate balancing act.
Geopolitics
The strategic significance of Central Asia, often termed India's 'extended neighborhood,' is central to this analysis. The region is rich in hydrocarbons and minerals, making it crucial for India's energy security. However, the article highlights a critical challenge: a perception gap. The delay in convening the since 2022 has fueled speculation of waning Indian commitment, contrasting sharply with China's aggressive engagement through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). India's 'Connect Central Asia' policy (launched in 2012) aimed to build deep ties, but actualizing connectivity remains India's Achilles' heel due to the lack of direct overland access (blocked by Pakistan) and ongoing geopolitical instability (like the situation in Afghanistan). Overcoming these barriers, perhaps through initiatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) or the Chabahar Port, is essential for India to project influence and counter competing regional powers.
Economic
While the article notes an increase in bilateral trade from $500 million in 2010 to over $2 billion, this figure remains significantly below the region's potential and pales in comparison to China's trade volume with Central Asia. The primary bottleneck is the lack of physical connectivity, which increases transit times and costs, hindering robust economic integration. To revitalize economic ties, India needs to focus on capacity building, technology transfer (especially in IT and pharmaceuticals), and exploring alternative trade routes. The economic dimension is inextricably linked to the geopolitical one; successful economic engagement is necessary to provide Central Asian states with strategic options beyond dependence on Russia or China. For UPSC, understanding the shift from purely strategic to increasingly geo-economic considerations in India's foreign policy is vital.