To hike Lok Sabha strength, Government works on more clarity; eyes South, DMK support
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Context
The Union Government is preparing to reintroduce a Constitutional Amendment Bill aiming to increase the strength of the Lok Sabha from 543 to 850 seats, alongside operationalizing the women’s reservation quota. Following the defeat of a similar bill in April, the government is proposing modifications to secure support from Southern regional parties like the DMK, specifically by proposing to retain the 1971 Census for state-wise allocation of seats to alleviate fears of diminished political representation for states with successful population control measures.
UPSC Perspectives
Polity
The core constitutional issue revolves around the process of delimitation (the redrawing of electoral constituency boundaries) and the allocation of seats in the . Currently, under , the total number of seats allocated to different states is frozen based on the , a freeze enacted by the (1976) and later extended by the (2001) until the first census post-2026. The proposed amendment seeks to increase the maximum strength of the (currently 550, though actual strength is 543 after the removal of the Anglo-Indian nomination via the ). A crucial distinction is being made: while the overall state-wise allocation of the proposed 850 seats is intended to remain proportional to the , the internal division of territorial constituencies within those states is proposed to be based on the (replacing the current basis). This dual-census approach attempts to balance historical proportional representation with current internal demographic shifts. For Mains, candidates should analyze the arguments for and against lifting the freeze on state-wise seat allocation.
Governance
The mechanism for executing these changes involves a , a high-powered body whose orders have the force of law and cannot be questioned in court, as per . The article mentions the proposed , which would establish this commission, typically chaired by a retired Supreme Court judge. The political contention highlighted in the article underscores the friction between the executive's policy intentions (the Home Minister's assurances of maintaining seat proportions) and the statutory independence of the . Opposition parties fear that without explicit constitutional guarantees locking in the for seat distribution, the Commission might be compelled or choose to use a later census (like the upcoming ), which would severely disadvantage states that have successfully implemented national family planning policies. This scenario exemplifies the tension between demographic representation (one person, one vote) and rewarding effective governance in population control.
Federalism
This delimitation debate is perhaps the most significant test of asymmetric federalism in contemporary India. Southern states have achieved significantly lower Total Fertility Rates (TFR) compared to Northern states over the past five decades. If seat allocation in the expanded were to be based on the latest population figures (e.g., the proposed ), Southern states would experience a sharp relative decline in their political weight and bargaining power at the Centre. The government's reported compromise—expanding the absolute number of seats (e.g., Tamil Nadu from 39 to 59) while freezing the inter-state proportion based on the —is an attempt to navigate this North-South demographic divergence. The government is warning that failing to pass this amendment will trigger an automatic delimitation based on the post-2026 census, which would exacerbate the very disadvantage Southern states fear. This issue is highly relevant for GS Paper 2 questions exploring challenges to federalism, regionalism, and the political consequences of uneven demographic transitions across Indian states.